Showing posts with label right-wing. Show all posts
Showing posts with label right-wing. Show all posts

Friday, 4 October 2013

Cynicism for a Social Age

Red Ed [Miliband]’s in a strop with the Mail […] what has made him vent his spleen — indeed, he has stamped his feet and demanded a right of reply — is a Mail article by Geoffrey Levy on Saturday about the Labour leader’s late father, Ralph, under the arresting headlineThe Man Who Hated Britain.’

‘An evil legacy and why we won't apologise’ MailOnline 1st October 2013

THE PAPER THAT HATES BRITAIN

Paul Dacre's pledge to ‘tweak the noses of the liberalocracy which effectively run Britain’ is a homage to his reactionary newspaper. So what does the Daily Mail really believe in? The answer should disturb everyone who loves this country





On a hot summer day, a middle-aged paper made its way alone out from under a rock in Central London to mark a lifelong obsession.

Solemnly, it stood at the grave of a spinning Britannia and said, in its own words:
The way stateless Jews from Germany are pouring in from every port of this country is becoming an outrage. The number of aliens entering the country through the back door is a problem to which the Daily Mail has repeatedly pointed.” [1]
The year was 1938. The paper was the Daily Mail, a spiteful chancer that would flee from this story just a few years later to join in with the condemnation of the Nazi Holocaust.

The Daily Mail, today edited by Paul Dacre,
died and went to heaven in 1968, soon after Enoch Powell gave his ‘rivers of blood’ speech. It was soon after scaled down to tabloid format, offering what might be termed ‘Cynicism For A Social Age.’ In this form, the venerated national moralizer and emetic continued to espouse its lifelong Populist cause, representing “the views of millions of ordinary Britons.”

One voice, however, noted how, in its attempts to control who ‘counted’ in this British population, the Daily Mail was vehemently pursuing a lost cause. It was that of a longstanding senior news reporter at the Mail. He did not mince his words.
They phoned me early one morning and told me to drive about three hundred miles to cover a murder. It was a woman and her two children who’d been killed. I got an hour and a half into the journey, and the news desk called me on my mobile and said, “Come back.” I said, “Why’s that?” They said, “They’re black.” [2]
As Paul Dacre once commented: “Racism appalls [sic] me and I wish I could get more black and Asian reporters working for us, but they don't come into journalism.”


In the explosive interview, given to British Journalism Review in 2002, Dacre revealed how obsessed he was with maintaining his paper’s “conservative with a small c” legacy.
I shall go to my grave believing that children need a father and mother and a stable upbringing. I am not saying that people who grow up in single families don't have wonderful mothers or wonderful dads, but I believe children should be conceived in love and, in an ideal world, have a father and a mother. The breakdown in that belief is responsible for a lot of the unhappiness in the 21st century.”
How proud his ‘family-centric’ Daily Mail must have been to hear him describe readers’ interests when responding to the Leveson Inquiry in 2011:
The Hampstead liberal with his gilded life-style understandably enjoys the Guardian – a paper that deals with serious issues. But does he or a judge have any right to deny someone who works ten hours a day in a Sunderland call centre and lives for football, the right to buy a paper that reveals the sexual peccadilloes of one of his team's millionaire married players.
Dacre mentioned his interest in football player’s peccadilloes just minutes after criticizing Daily Express owner Richard ‘dirty’ Desmond for having made his money from pornography. Meanwhile the Daily Mail’s ferocious defence of marriage is evident from articles like “I feel guilty for ogling girls in mini-skirts. Yet no one would call my wife a dirty old woman for fancying a handsome cricketer.”

The newspaper’s stance on liberals is uncompromising. “
Leftie bishops, liberal judges, a biased BBC” were all listed in an article which attacked many of Britain’s national institutions by claiming they were dominated by liberals (such as former Conservative Party chairman Lord Patten, who was: “several degrees to the Left of what used to be called ‘Right-wing Labour’”).

Another article, this time attacking the cherished National Health Service, said: “Members of tribunals are trained to be concerned only with upholding the rights of perceived ‘persecuted minorities’. Their verdicts are guided by the doctrines of ‘sexism’, ‘racism’ and a litany of fashionable ‘phobias.’” Still another: “How Labour threw open doors to mass migration in secret plot to make a multicultural UK.”

This is the publication that profits from its position as the second best selling newspaper in a country whose non-white population is
over 9 million.

As for the diverse country that buys it and pays its keep, the newspaper wrote in its RightMinds section in 2009:
It is hard not to reach the dismal conclusion that a society faced with violence in pursuit of the goal of overturning Christian values and conquering Britain for Islam [The Mail referring here to a protest against Israel’s military action in the Gaza Strip] turns tail and runs away - while at the same time coming down like a ton of bricks on any expression of those Christian values which underpin British society, in the interests of ‘equality and diversity’.

This is the way a society dies.”
This geriatric distaste for the British character certainly didn’t stop the Daily Mail availing itself of the lucrative reportage there was to be had from praising the fine Olympic Games opening ceremony this country offered last year.

Indeed, while ignorance of popular opinion is a charge Paul Dacre usually aims at the ‘liberal’ press, his newspaper found itself doing just that over the Olympic ceremony.

One article called Labour’s praise for the inclusion of “Working class history, multicultural[ism], NHS, CND, gay kissing” ‘taunts.’ Another piece commented: “NHS beds dominated the infield for so long that it seemed more a political message than a tribute to our hardworking nurses.” The paper then had to admit that this comment was out of step with what ordinary people thought, “Still, Boyle’s £27million creation dazzled, winning him thousands of new Twitter followers by the second.”

How passionately the
Daily Mail must have approved of its editor’s sinister admission that his ‘Lesson One’ was that “Brains and education have little to do with the craft of journalism.”

Dacre relished his own contribution to what he called “the chattering classes' dyspepsia with [Daily Mail owner] the Rothermere press,” adding that “no day is too busy or too short not to find time to tweak the noses of the liberalocracy which effectively run Britain.”

Such tweaks by the
Daily Mail have included:
  • The May 1993 How Race Militants Hijacked a Tragedy article that downplayed the racial issues raised by Stephen Lawrence’s murder. The case had apparently been “swept into a whirlwind of high-profile publicity organised largely by anti-racist groups on the short path towards the making of a cause.” [3]

  • The claim in 2011 that gay Britons were becoming McCarthyites: “schoolchildren are to be bombarded with homosexual references in maths, geography and ­science lessons as part of a Government-backed drive to promote the gay agenda.”

  • The many snide digs at diversity, claiming that pride in and respect for Britain’s wonderfully varied population is a conspiracy hatched by a tiny liberal elite. This one from 2009: “'Diversity' is just another way of persecuting decent people trying to go about their daily business... The most intolerant people in Britain are always those who preach 'tolerance' most loudly.”
Paul Dacre himself, in his 2008 speech to the Society of Editors, declared: “The problem is Britain's liberal class – the people who know best and who really run this country – by and large hate all the popular press.”

He also made plain his disdain for what he called the “subsidariat” (media outlets paid for by subsidy), which, to his mind, were nothing less than a kind of old boy network. “Large parts of the media are increasingly populated by a privileged elite of top university graduates who, too often, have only ever operated in subsidised environments.” This included, as he later said at
Leveson, the
high priests of the subsidariat,” the BBC.
“The corporation has all but seen off ITV's news services, both nationally and locally, has crippled commercial radio, is distorting the free market for internet newspapers and now, with its preposterous proposal for 65 ultra local websites, is going for the jugular of the local newspaper industry.  Lines must be drawn in the sand…
It is destroying media plurality in Britain and in its place imposing a liberal, leftish, mono culture that is destroying free and open debate in Britain.”
Given this tirade, one is entitled to wonder whether Paul Dacre’s anti-liberalism is actually fuelled by a giant-sized social chip on his shoulder, or dick on his forehead.

Or perhaps Stephen Fry’s “
vile bastard
” does indeed, against all the odds in a country with so much to be proud of and champion, choose to stand for everything that is wrong with Britain.

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[1] Daily Mail, 20th August 1938.

[2] Nick Davies Flat Earth News, (London; Vintage, 2009) p. 371. [“The book, which began with a presumption of guilt, was itself a pretty sloppy piece of journalism, full of half-truths, anonymous sources, gossip and urban myths presented as facts, and the very selective reporting that it accused papers of employing.” – Paul Dacre]

[3] Paul Harris, Peter Rose, ‘How Race Militants Hijacked a Tragedy,’ Daily Mail, 10th May 1993.

Monday, 3 May 2010

Why Matt Taibbi is my Hero



He was reacting to journalist and commentator David Brooks’s discussion of a recent basketball game between the Duke and Butler university teams in America. Brooks said that the game was widely set up as a class conflict: ‘the upper crust Dukies against the humble Midwestern farm boys.’ However, for Brooks, the Duke win did not come from privilege but through hard work on defence. He went on to add: ‘I was going to say that for the first time in human history, rich people work longer hours than middle class or poor people. How do you construct a rich versus poor narrative when the rich are more industrious?’ Taibbi’s reaction to the thought of rich people being more industrious was magnificent. He noted first that only a person who’d never held a real job could come up with something like that:
There is, of course, a huge difference between working 80 hours a week in a profession that you love and which promises you vast financial rewards, and working 80 hours a week digging ditches for a septic-tank company, or listening to impatient assholes scream at you at some airport ticket counter all day long, or even teaching disinterested, uncontrollable kids in some crappy school district with metal detectors on every door.

Most of the work in this world completely sucks balls and the only reward most people get for their work is just barely enough money to survive, if that. The 95% of people out there who spend all day long shoveling [sic] the dogshit of life for subsistence wages are basically keeping things running just well enough so that David Brooks, me and the rest of that lucky 5% of mostly college-educated yuppies can live embarrassingly rewarding and interesting lives […] (Matt Taibbi, ‘Brooks: Let Them Eat Work,’ Taibblog, April 10th, 2010 <http://trueslant.com/matttaibbi/2010/04/10/brooks-let-them-eat-work/>)
I liked Taibbi’s remarks because he’s nailed it, and it’s not always easy to defend the low-waged or poor from criticism from the rich, or judgmental high-fliers. It’s also tough trying to argue with anyone who believes in the idea that, if you study and work hard, there’s nothing to stop you reaching for higher things, and certainly nothing to stop you from having enough to get by. It’s your own problem, not theirs, if you ignored all the opportunities and are poor, or struggling on a marginally better income. And it’s certainly not up to the government to interfere and spend public money on you.

The rhetoric of the right is always going to be more appealing than that of the left, which often gets tangled in arguments about how it offers more financial incentives to the unemployed than to those in work. Still, I used to struggle to understand the appeal of the right, despite its placating rhetoric of freedom from government control and freedom to pursue…whatever it is you do. I struggled because I think along the lines of Taibbi’s description up there. Surely, as most people don’t earn enough money to find living particularly easy (and even if they are quite comfortable, they know that everything depends on them staying in full time work), surely they would be put off by the self-congratulatory reading of the right by those who, economically, don’t know they’re born.

But then one of the changes brought over the last half-century or so has been how we see the rich. The affluent are no longer people with plummy voices, funny clothes and drinks cabinets; they now look like you and me—if we were able to buy everything we wanted. We all have phones, t-shirts and jeans, but the moneyed have THE phones, t-shirts and jeans. They have gone from enviably rich but unattractively square – stuffy, woollen-suited wonders with the solace of the rotary club and trust funds – to almost cool. Western cultural production presents houses and lifestyles that we all salivate over sometimes, but on sober reflection they portray an affluent, deliberately insular culture, atypical of most people’s experience. In British drama we get those loveable upper crust characters: rather arrogant, but frightfully funny and self-deprecating. It’s because there’s fun and funny carefully deployed in those rich lives that we don’t sit there thinking ‘toff’ or ‘wow, they spend more money on heating their drive than I earn in a tax year.’

I suppose rightism offers the freedom to enjoy that culture, or rather for everyone to enjoy whatever level of pay they receive, and to pursue their ideas for business or making money, without being told that they owe the unemployed or low waged something. As P.J. O’Rourke said of his conversion to the Republican Party as a faltering, nineteen-year-old Maoist: ‘I realized that communism meant giving my golf clubs to a family in Zaire. Also, I couldn’t bear the dreadful, glum earnestness of the left.’ [1]

O’Rourke is a very particular breed of Republican. Firstly, he’s funny. Secondly, he’s one of a select group who combine the party’s conservatism, deregulation and individualist beliefs with enjoying illicit hedonism. O’Rourke identified the full possibilities of life and maleness in the first world with his unsurpassed expression of liberal democracy: driving fast on drugs while getting your wang wang squeezed, and not spilling your drink [2]. Borrowing from O’Rourke’s line of argument, your right-winger will probably say that you shouldn’t do that, but if they happened to do it they’d probably have a ball. Your left-winger would say that you can’t do that, and if they happened to do it, they’d probably hate it. If I happened to try it, I’d probably be carsick.

In British politics these lefty/righty distinctions have been watered down somewhat. Gordon Brown likes to figure the difference between the Conservatives and Labour as one of style versus substance. Opposing the Conservatives’ style over substance is Labour’s substance over style. The substance is nu-Labour’s 13-year legacy, with the style perhaps lost under that glum, even dour, earnestness O’Rourke mentioned. But is the substance really leftist? I can’t help of thinking of Jonathan Meades, journeying around disused industrial sites in Scotland:
Further, the Finchley faith [as in ‘iron steel girder Margaret from Finchley’], which became the enthusiastically adopted cross-party consensus of the past twenty-five years, the faith that manufacturing industry was an irrelevance, and that an entire economy—a soufflĂ© economy—might be founded on the no holds barred selflessness of deregulated debt rights peddling expensive money, proved to be just that: a faith, an expression of unfounded wishfulness. It goes without saying that there would be no reprieve; calloused hands and emphysema were so hopelessly old Labour. (Jonathan Meades: Off Kilter, episode three, BBC4, September 2009)
That cross-party consensus leaves us in an awkward place now. When Michael Foot died, taking a large part of what remained of old labour with him, several voices in the media commented that the longest suicide note in history said some things about closer control of banks that seem quite prescient today, as the soufflĂ© does the inevitable. Neil Clarke of the Guardian went as far as to say that it could have saved the country from disaster. Whatever the differences, I doubt New Labour feels much need to apologise for itself; it’s been too successful in getting the party into power and holding on to it for three terms. As to their consensual record, the Conservatives are looking forwards rather than backwards. Now I think we’re faced with finding the lesser of three evils, if you are thinking of voting for one of the big three that is.

Until this situation changes we have people like Taibbi, and our own consciences. The vast majority of people are indeed on subsistence wages. Whatever your political view, or level of apathy towards politicking, it is worth taking some time to consider what you think people need, and, from your voting options, who can offer the best chance of that.

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[1] P.J. O’Rourke, Republican Party Reptile, (London: Picador, 1987), p.xiv.

[2] ibid., pp.128-137.